Friday, November 22, 2019

HST 344, "The Automobile and American Life" Final Exam Study Sheet


HST 344
Final Exam Study Sheet --- FINAL VERSION AS OF 12/3/19
Fall, 2019
Exam: Thursday, December 12, 2:30-4:20 p.m.


I Identification and Significance.  I will pick 8 of the following and you must answer 5 (10 points each). To maximize your grade, your answers should include selective detail, meaning, and explanatory short and long-term significance, when appropriate.

1.     The Red Car
2.     1955 and the Coming of Rock and Roll
3.     Reconsidering the Corvair
4.     1966National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Act
5.     The Myth of the Ford Pinto Case
6.     Vin Diesel and “The Fast and Furious” Franchise
7.     NUMMI and other 1980s “Transplants”
8.     The Filming of “Bullit”
9.     The Oil Crisis as a Signal Event in Post-WWII America
10. MITI and the Japanese Automobile Industry
11. The Chevrolet Vega and the Lordstown, Ohio, Assembly Plan
12. 1950s Automobile Dealer Abuses and Garten Motors
13. The 2008-9 Economic Crisis and the Automobile Industry
14. Low-riders, Technology, and Hispanic Culture
15.  Lee Iacocca and the 1980 Chrysler Corporation Bankruptcy


II Essay (50 pts). Be as detailed and critical as possible in writing a coherent essay that includes both an introduction and a conclusion.

Jason Vuic's, The Yugo: The Rise and Fall of the Worst Car in History is far more than just a history of a car. While this well-written story maintains a focus on the Yugo, it also explores key personalities, and contrasts East and West economic systems. Write a critical review of this book. Include a discussion the key personalities and their place in the story and the interplay between the socialistic production system that existed in Yugoslavia and capitalistic system in the U.S.  
You may want to address these additional questions. Was the Yugo just a bad car? Or was it the consequence of a flawed business plan?  Could one conclude that it was a car obsolete from American standards from the start? Given the circumstances, was it really an impossible dream?

 Conclude by reflecting on meaningful lessons learned from the story of a car that is largely forgotten.

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

The Corvair -- "the one car accident"







I will use this video in class tomorrow, 11/14/19. Here is related material from the 2nd edition of my book, The Automobile an American Life:

Ralph Nader and Unsafe at Any Speed
            Just as modern corporations came under suspicion after Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring was published in 1962, so too did the professionals associated with universities and the center economy. And as much as Ralph Nader attacked GM for its Corvair in his Unsafe at Any Speed, he also broadened his critique to include the engineers who worked in Detroit. Perhaps more than anyone else since Thorsten Veblen, Ralph Nader focused on the shortcomings of engineers and in the flawed institutional arrangements that existed where they worked. Published in 1965, Unsafe at Any Speed accused automotive engineers of disregarding ethical principles and ignoring public safety. The publicity given to his critical analysis, and Nader’s own crusade spurred the consumer movement and the work of trial lawyers, both of which have led to powerful social changes since the early 1960s.21
            At the heart of Nader’s early work was his attack on the safety of General Motor’s Corvair. In Nader’s opinion, “the Corvair was a tragedy not a blunder.” The tragedy was a consequence of engineers who cut corners to shave costs. This was a common occurrence in the auto industry and indeed all manufacturing, but with the Corvair it supposedly happened in a big way. Fatefully, during the late 1950s, General Motors, under the leadership of engineer Ed Cole, developed the Corvair, in part the consequence of the unexpected success of the Volkswagen Beetle, but also the result of two decades of engineers’ fascination with the concept of a vehicle with its engine placed in the rear. While the Corvair had its supporters who argued that the car got a raw deal by consumer advocates, it was generally regarded as one of a number of post-1960 Detroit products that were egregiously unsafe and based on flawed designs. Nader maintained that it was hubris, economics, and blind obedience on the part of engineers working in a flawed institutional environment that led to the Corvair tragedy. Thus, the Corvair was the wrong car at the wrong time in American history. 
            Nader’s convincing arguments were in part the consequence of translating the tragedy into human terms. In August 1961, Mrs. Rose Pierini of Santa Barbara lost control of her new Corvair while driving 35 mph. The car flipped on its top, and Mrs. Pierini was trapped underneath, blood gushing from a dismembered arm that was lying in the street. She would later receive $70,000 after being worn down by GM attorneys and deciding not to go any further with her lawsuit. In a similar fashion, GM Truck and Bus Vice-President Calvin J. Werner, living in Dayton, Ohio, purchased a Corvair for his daughter. She was afraid to drive the car, but her brother was not. That brother would die in a low-speed accident, the consequence of the vehicle’s inherent instability. The Werner family’s plight is reflective of just how little the public, and indeed even GM insiders, knew about the inherent design flaws of the Corvair during the first few years after its introduction. This was just one example of a conspiracy of silence about unsafe vehicles before the era of recalls.
            Indeed, the author of Unsafe at Any Speed asserted that during the 1960 to 1964 model years, the Corvair could go out of control at 22 mph with a turning radius of 50 degrees and front rear and tire pressures of 26 psi. His evidence came from the work of Ford engineers, who purportedly discovered this fact, when in 1959 two of them lost control of an early Corvair on the Dearborn, Michigan, test track.
            This story began, then, with conception and development of the Corvair by leading GM engineers – Edward Cole, Harry Barr, Robert Schilling, Kai Hansen, and Frank Winchell. Cole, a long-time devotee of rear-engined cars, saw a market as early as 1955 for a small, compact car, and in 1956, after rising to the head of the Chevrolet Division, put his finest engineering talent to work on the project. By 1957, the program was given a full go ahead, even though executives knew that several design obstacles had yet to be overcome.
            As early as 1953, GM executives were aware of the main problem that was associated later with the Corvairs. In that year, one of the GM’s brightest engineers, Maurice Olley, wrote a technical paper, “European Postwar Cars,” that contained a sharp critique of rear-engined automobiles with swing-axle suspension systems. He called such vehicles “a poor bargain, at least in the form in which they are at present built,” adding that they could not handle safely in wind even at moderate speeds, despite the tire pressure differential between front and rear. Olley went further, depicting the “forward fuel tank as a collision risk as is the mass of engine in the rear.”22
            Despite these warnings, GM went ahead, with its primary aim being a target rate of return on investment. The 1960 Corvair came off the assembly line at two-thirds the weight of a standard Chevrolet, with a selling price $200 lower than standard models, but to keep costs down and profits high, compromises had to be made. Suspension stabilizers were left off, and a peculiar kind of swing axle was used that created “oversteer” or instability when deviating from a straight path. To compensate for oversteer, Corvair engineers recommended that owners maintain critical tire pressure differentials between front and rear wheels. This whole design, confessed one GM engineer, was based on lower cost, ease of assembly, ease of service, simplicity of design, and the desire to create a soft ride.
            Nader claimed that the biggest problem with the Corvair was that GM was slow to react to a known problem – the large number of accidents due to loss of control. The company was silent when questioned on the matter. And until Nader gained a wide public audience, GM did little or nothing. In sum, the moral of Nader’s story was that the corporations of the early 1960s only faced the consequences of their actions when threatened with government sanctions, expensive litigation and court judgments, or public hostility on a massive scale. Indeed, it took GM four years and 1,124,076 Corvairs to correct the problem.23   
Ever since the Corvair product liability story corporations have been demonized by a segment of the public for their evil intentions. Yet, how wrong I was when writing the first edition of this book.  That is the problem when one focuses on one source and does not critically follow the topic start to finish!  Truthfully, the Corvair's unsavory reputation has its origins with Ford engineers wanting to protect their own compact car product during the fall of 1959.24  Journalist Patrick Bedard, writing in a December, 1972 article in Car &  Driver, cited the work of Federal investigators who concluded that Ford engineers tested the car and unfairly pronounced its handling instability. In 1972, engineers working for the federal government carefully studied the Ford video and other materials and then repeated tests done a decade before.  What they found was a distortion on the part of Ford employees that started Nader along the path to his Unsafe at any Speed.   
For example, the use of Maurice Olley's 1953 SAE paper [cited above and seized upon by Nader in Unsafe at Any Speed] was circulated in an unmarked envelope sent to journalists the day after a 70-year-old Olley had given a presentation on the virtues of the rear engine automobile at the Detroit Athletic Club. Perhaps the real tragedy of the Corvair was that Nader's crusade thoroughly tarnished a car design that could have competed with future Japanese and German motor vehicles. Consequently Detroit pulled back to make cars with little downside risk. The complacency of the late 1960s and early 1970s, then, had a component that linked back to the failure of the Corvair – a radically different car that was truly innovative in several important respects.
In sum, I initially fell for the bait of telling a good but untruthful story that blamed engineers and corporate bean counters. It is the danger of any would-be scholar who follows what historian Robin Collingwood, in his The Idea of History, labeled as “scissors and paste” history.
            The convergence of forces for change took the industry by total surprise in the months immediately after the 1964 presidential election. The Johnson administration's willingness to sponsor social reform legislation, the appearance on the Washington scene of Ralph Nader, Abraham Ribicoff, and the American Trial Lawyers' Association are all part of the story. Significantly, a 1966 landmark case, Larsen vs. General Motors, marked a new trend in automobile liability decisions.25 Manufacturers were now held responsible for inadequate designs that resulted in injuries due to a collision. Other cases followed Larsen, but it was this case, involving the dangerous design of the Corvair steering column, that made possible an additional recourse for consumers. With federal agencies, including the Department of Transportation, often influenced by industry, the judiciary proved to be  a second route that ultimately protected consumers.
Government Regulation: Safety and the Environment
            The Corvair was at the center of a consumer firestorm on auto safety that peaked by the end of the 1960s. In absolute numbers, traffic fatalities had risen from 34,763 in 1950, to 39,628 in 1956, to 53,041 in 1966, and 56,278 by 1972. During those years, the holidays between every Christmas and New Year resulted in the death of approximately 1,000 Americans. The rise of the interstate highway system beginning in 1956 and the marked increase in younger drivers contributed to the alarming trend. Design also played its part; along with horsepower gains, cars of the mid‑1960s often possessed poor handling characteristics and abysmal braking capabilities.
            The seminal legislative action that set in motion strict automobile safety regulations was the 1966 National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act.26  Beginning in 1968, this Act mandated that seatbelts, padded visors and dashboards, safety doors and hinges, impact absorbing steering columns, dual braking systems, and standard bumper height be installed in all new autos sold in the U.S. Critics, however, argued that these measures would do little to save lives and prevent injuries. History has proved them to be somewhat correct.27 Economist Sam Peltzman demonstrated in the mid-1970s that automobile safety devices resulted in “off-setting behavior” on the part of a number of motorists who engaged in more risky behavior as a result of the introduction of features that were designed to increase their chances of surviving a crash. And while seatbelts, soft interiors, and improved glass reduced driver fatalities, risky behavior increased the chance that a bicyclist or pedestrian would be killed or injured.
            With regard to the safety issues that followed, the most significant problems centered on drivers and passengers actually using their seat belts and the development and introduction of the air bag. In the former case, the federal government initially tried to force compliance with the mandate to install seat belt interlocks on all cars beginning in 1974, but due to public outcry, this measure would be repealed in 1976. However, it was federal pressure on the states to enforce the use of seat belts post-1990 that led to tough seat belt laws in which local traffic officers can ticket offenders. With the automobile becoming increasingly safe, the current issue with SUVs – high bumper height and reduced visibilities – remains to be solved. Additionally, with each decade from the 1930s forward, more emphasis was placed on drinking and drunk driving, as operator error superseded vehicle design limitations as causes of accidents. A key advance was that of the widespread use of the breathalyzer, a device that was pioneered first in Britain and only later used in traffic enforcement in the U.S.28  

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

A Fundamental Difference between Writing Motorsports History and Automotive History

Hi folks -- below I have attached the final version of my paper that was given as the keynote  at the recent Motorsports History Conference at Watkins Glen. But, I do have something more to say.
It occurred to me as I was sitting at the banquet the last evening of the Symposium.  But I think it is worth saying here. One huge difference between Motorsports andAutomotive history, despite their common ground, is that many of the most important papers concerning drivers and races connected to  Motorsports history are in private hands and seen as private property. Unlike much of automotive history that one can reconstruct using various library holdings, motorsports material is attached to collectible car holdings, or at least jealously guarded. So not any historian can gain access and use critical stuff necessary to write comprehensive histories. Until those owners of these matieals realize that they have stewardship responsibilities, and not selfish, personal motives, can motorsports history really emerge as a significant subfield of American and Western History. 
I am not accusing anyone or pointing fingers. But I am saying that one of the most vibrant ares for the telling of great narrative stories and parables about life is being held back. Hopefully my plea here will open a necessary discussion.

Writing Motorsport History 
John Heitmann, University of Dayton
Copyright 2019. Do not cite or quote without permission of the author.

            I speak today with more than a little trepidation. Although I have been reading motorsport history for some time, and have a large number of files and year-runs of periodicals on the topic, I have written very little.  Thinking is hardly doing. Long ago I learned that reading about a topic is not doing history – one only does history when one puts the pen to paper and reconstructs the past. In my classes and in my survey efforts, I have attempted to integrate motorsport with automotive history, but I still have a long way to go. 
But then motorsport history written from an academic perspective also is in its infancy. Indeed, in 2014 David Lucsko asserted that one can count the number of scholarly works on the fingers of two hands. He went on to say that “on balance, you are likely to encounter a greater depth of scholarship on just about any other subject in the history of the twentieth century United States.”[i]
            A holistic approach to motorsports history, however, is easier said than done. But it is the way happened in the past.  As Randall Hall has suggested, industrial America may have spawned automobile racing, but racing and speed catalyzed the growth of the automobile industry.[ii]Particularly with the end of road racing, spectators paid to attend a “carnival of speed” where they saw heard, smelled, and felt the experience. Racing reflected a new era of progress that pervaded all of American life. 
            Integrative and dynamic themes touching on this complex topic include: technology transfer and nationalism; auto racing as a mass market, yet paradoxically involving craft-made cars; the complex social origins of drivers and fans; regionalism and racing; changes in technology; culture and racing, including literature, poetry, music, and especially film; and finally, ethnicity, race, gender and racing.
While I may equate the difficulties of doing academic motor sports history with academic automotive history, as they are currently pursued, the two fields are not exactly the same. Visually one can represent the two with a dynamic Venn diagram, at times with circles substantially overlapping, and at times not. Or perhaps we can say that the two areas are like mirror image twins. Motorsports history can be considered sports history, automotive history or national or international history. It is a critical subset of automotive history, and the later cannot be properly interpreted without it.
*****
There are a few things I want to say to the academically-inclined about doing either motorsport or automotive history, or an attempted synthesis. First, despite warnings to the contrary, following this path does not necessarily lead to the end your career. That was an admonition given to me by historian, friend, and author of Auto Mechanics, Kevin Borg, who teaches at James Madison University. But that doesn’t mean that colleagues and others within academe initially may look askance at your work. Conveniently, it is diplomatic to say that one is doing the history of technology, or cultural, business, economic, social or business history. And if one decides to take my route, not only do academics have suspicions about the quality of your work, so too the “buff” historians.
Little has changed since 1936 when G.K. Chesterton wrote “I wonder if anybody has yet written a History of the Motor-Car. I am certain thousands must have written books more or less purporting this; I am also certain that most of them consist of advertisements for particular makes and models.”[iii]To extend Chesterton’s thoughts, in terms of motor sport histories writing rarely is integrative or contextual in merging themes and episodes related to both the sport, the culture, the automotive industries, and main currents in American life. Without getting personal or critical, one can find plenty of biographical material on drivers and their great races; the cars; the tracks; and the accidents and horrific deaths.  It often makes for interesting reading but is an extension of the journalism that first described the person, place, or thing at the time of the event.
 Indeed, a similar malady is pervasive to the writing of all of history. One widespread sin is that of well-worn tales repackaged with little if any critical analysis and a reexamination of the evidence. The story line rarely changes. Indeed, history, including motor sports history, needs to be saved from itself. 
            Everyone, including myself, are guilty of this sin. New interpretations require archival research, critical thought, and inordinate amounts of time. And we are constrained by the practices within our particular tribes. The “buff” historians are often easily pigeon-holed by their tight, non-contextual focus, along with the omission of the footnote or reference. Typical work is akin to 19thcentury natural history, sort of a science of describing engines, suspensions, and chassis. Further, a critical reader has no idea where the work came from or how the past was reconstructed. 
Aldo Leopold, in his Sand County Almanac, characterized “good History” as using the saw, wedge and axe when felling a tree and examining its rings.[iv]  Along similar lines, Carl L. Becker in his 1930 Presidential Address to the American Historical Association deftly depicted that the “buff” or everyman historian  
selects only such facts as may be relevant; and that the relevant facts must be clearly established by the testimony of independent witnesses not self-deceived. He does not know, or need to know, that his personal interest in the performance is a disturbing bias, which will prevent him from learning the whole truth or arriving at ultimate causes. Mr. Everyman does not wish to learn the whole truth or to arrive at ultimate causes. He wishes to pay his coal bill. That is to say, he wishes to adjust himself to a practical situation, and on that low pragmatic level he is a good historian precisely because he is not disinterested: he will solve his problems, if he does solve them, by virtue of his intelligence and not by virtue of his indifference.[v]
Buffs are to be viewed with caution in terms of the evidence they present. Indeed, their evidence is both experiential and usually uncited. Usually their work can not be reconstructed and thus tested. They see the trees but rarely the forest. And their work, often found on coffee tables, can rarely be found in most libraries. With a relatively voluminous number of readers, often enthusiast authors consider the need for context and meaning to be nothing more than malarkey. Instinctively “buff” historians need the academic historian for legitimacy, but only at arm’s length, for they often wish to pursue “anecdotal” accounts, in a sense glorifying self. “Buff’s” have a ready audience, while academics rarely do.
But what about academics who can paint a forest scene, but do not know the differences of tree species?  And indeed, context without understanding and appropriate detail is malarkey.What good is explanation without solid substance? Thus, academics also need the enthusiasts, and I would argue that their knowledge is absolutely critical to the quality of scholarship. They are a font of knowledge and insights, and incidentally, are frequently more fun to be around than historians. They serve also as a check on the truth, particularly on the microscopic level. Many worked on the assembly lines, or in design studios and executive offices. In a business where archives are few and far between and knowledge is often kept close to the vest, they serve as rich sources. In terms of motor sports history, how many of us can claim to have driven in a race, or piloted a race car at speed? How many of us, so comfortable in the library or in our studies, have truly diced with death? In either case, “buff” or academic, the reality is that both write work that serve as drafts or starting points for the next generation of historians. History is never static or set in stone, but renews itself using previously written material.
Motorsport academics face scrutiny and legitimacy issues from their own tribe as well. Unless their topic is carefully chosen, their focus is on the material world and corporate capitalism. In contrast, professional colleagues often relate their work to current social justice or identity issues. Their interest in the past is to inform the present and shape the future. Thus, an academic automotive historian can easily become a person without a country.
*****
            After years of working in various areas of the history of science and technology, I finally decided to follow my passions and a career and life came alive rather than ended, as one might predict. Thus, came Zen and the Art of doing Automotive history, fast and furiously. When I work on auto history, like on my old Porsche, I work on myself, just as Robert Pirsig argued in his Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenanceand Matthew Crawford asserted in his Shop Class as Soul Craft.[vi]  But my activities go beyond self. Teaching was also an important part this passion, as I began to realize that I had something that a number of students, often but not necessarily male engineers wanted to learn more about. My book The Automobile and American Life,flowed out of the classroom during the course of a decade. At times I taught the topic not only as a General Education class capped at 35, but also a senior seminar and in one case as a seminar directed to first year students. Beginning with a focus on business and economic history, I gradually broadened the content to include increasing amounts of cultural history from sources connected with film, music, and literature. Student enthusiasm was very much a part of this evolving content mix. That led to a second edition of The Automobile and American Life, and in between the publication of the monograph Stealing Cars: Technology and Society from the Model T to Gran Torino.Now, I have now backed into motorsport history.
                                                            **********
For some time, I have been interested in the history of sports cars in the U.S., particularly during the 1950s when sports car sales and SCCA participation took off. The story is far more nuanced than one of ex-GIs bringing back Mg-TCs and TDs, and the efforts of Max Hoffman and John von Neumann. It was the result of rising middle-class expectations and ambitions, a new fascination with foreign luxury goods, grass roots enthusiast institutions, and a response to the ungainly Detroit “dinosaur in the driveway.” As Keenan Schimko argued in a recent Purdue University dissertation, “the sportscar is a powerful handle in understanding post-WWII economic and cultural globalization and to explore the influence of European culture, modes of production and manufacturers in America.”[vii]  And it is a window into popular culture as well. Literature included: Ken Purdy’s Kings of the Roadand articles in Argosy, Trueand Playboy; John and Elaine Bond’s efforts  with Road & Track; Don Sanford’s The Red Car; Tom McCahill’s Mechanix Illustrated articles, and William E. Butterworth’s Fast Green Car.[viii]In film, movies featuring sports cars spanned from 1950s’ “To Please a Lady” to Elvis’ 1964 “Viva Las Vegas.”[ix]And as a teenager during the mid-1960s I got caught up in it all, as I purchased a 1959 MGA after graduating from high school. 
Lately as I reflect on my past I have often wondered how I got on the path of being so keenly interested in sports cars. No one in my family owned a foreign car, let alone a sports car.  We were a working-class Chevy family. When I brought home that MG our family car was a Chevy II.  How was my personal experience any different than many other younger Americans?
Somehow one causal element was at a confluence of popular culture, the sports car, and racing. One possible reason for my passion was the consequence of acquiring at age 12 the Riverside Records LP “Vintage Sports Car in Stereo.” On one side the record featured the sounds of a number of vintage cars I had never heard of before: a Frazer-Nash; Type 51 Bugatti; E.R.A.; P3 Alfa Romero; Alta; V16 Maserati. On the other side a vintage race was narrated by the famous David Scott-Moncrieff. I played that record over and over again, much to the anguish of my parents who thought I had gone over some sort of an adolescent cliff.  But as I have discovered from recent conversations, many others joined me in this obsession with the sounds of exotic motor cars. Today sounds are often a part of cars & coffee and weekly cruise-in events.  Sounds reflect power, distinctively. A Saturday in October is devoted to sounds at the Porsche Museum in Stuttgart.[x]However during 1950s and 1960s (and today if you have the LPs) thunderous but also harmonic engine sounds could be heard in your home as well as on the track and street.
The Riverside Records story is worth telling, for it links 1950s jazz sounds with the concurrent burgeoning interest in sports cars. The Riverside label began in 1952 with the partnership of two Columbia graduates, Bill Grauer, Jr. and Orrin Keepnews. Seeing an opportunity to approach major record firms with a proposal to counter what was then seen as the release of “pirate” recordings of performances dating back to the 1920s and 30s, between 1952 and 1962 Grauer and Keepnews transformed a once-obscure Riverside Records into a major jazz label. Initially Grauer convinced RCA Victor to re-issue 78s from the 1920s and 30s in LP format. However, he then shifted focus to the contemporary music of Thelonious Monk, Randy Weston, Bill Evans, Sonny Rollins and Cannonball Adderly. Additionally, the partners established themselves by writing a definitive book on the history of jazz in the U.S, published by Crown in 1956 and reissued in 1971. In the midst of this artistic and business success, Grauer, like many upper middle-class men of the day, also became a sports car enthusiast. 
In a 1961 interview in his New York City office that featured a large photo of Bill behind the wheel of a 1937 Mercedes-Benz, he recounted how in “1956, just for fun, we recorded sounds of sports-car races down at Sebring, Florida (I’m a racing nut, you know). We decided to release it and then the roof fell in. It began to sell like crazy.”[xi]Thus this experiment into the commercial recording of sports car sounds It began with RLP 5001 -- "Sounds of Sebring:  The 1956 Florida International Twelve-Hour Grand Prix of Endurance." Grauer recalled "At Sebring, everybody has problems and for the most part all this worry and fuss is just for the fun of it. And because it's for the fun of it, Sebring is a terribly wonderfully exciting spectacle."
The most unusual sound recording's A side began with interviews of drivers, a prelude to the listener experiencing "sounds at rest:" a 3 liter Maserati; 3.5; 3.5 liter Ferrari; a Lotus; and finally a Porsche Spyder. Driver interviews connected us to ghosts from the past: Stirling Moss;Jean Behra and Carlos Medniteguy;Pochirio Rubirosa;Peter Collins;Bill Spear; Juan Manuel Fangio;John Gordon Bennett;Reg Parnell;Marquis de Portago; and finally Luigi Musso.The flip side included hour-by-hour reports of the 12-hour race. Who do you think would care about all of this? But this was not a one-off exercise, for over the next seven years many other vinyl discs of racing sounds and exotic cars would follow, and amuse a generation or two of sports car enthusiasts. A label with a reputation for jazz recording certainly left a legacy for the automotive historian to explore.
            Other releases that followed the “Sounds of Sebring” included the chronicling of the Sebring races between 1957 and 1962. These records not only were a reflection of the burgeoning interest in sports car racing, but they also played a significant role in making it happen. Certainly, the course at Sebring was nothing special.[xii]Robert Daley argued “There is much mysterious about the Sebring promotion. In every possible way, the site is ridiculous, the circuit unexciting (the Twelve Hours qualifies as one of the dullest events of the year), and the “success“ of the race inexplicable.”[xiii]
An advertisement in the December 1956 Sports Cars Illustratedtouted the “Sounds of Sebring” album this way: 
For the first time ever: a superb high quality 12 inch long playing record of all the sounds that make up America’s greatest sports car race. Over 60 minutes of interviews with the world’s greatest drivers…Fangio, Moss, Collins, Behra, Hill, Musso, Menditeguy, Bennett, Rubirosa, Portago, Parnell. The sounds of Ferraris, Maseratis, Jags, Aston Martins, Porsche, Corvettes, Lotus, etc. warming up, revving, roaring at speed, coming out of corners flat out. The fabulous Le Mans start, pit activity, the fantastic sounds of Fangio shifting up and down as he makes the five mile circuit, and dozens of other remarkable on the-spot sounds which are so exciting to the driver and spectator alike.[xiv]
Other releases that followed the “Sounds of Sebring” included the chronicling of the Sebring races between 1958 and 1962. Additionally, drivers were featured. In 1957 titles included “The Marquis de Portago: The Story of Racing’s Most Colorful Driver – a Memorial Tribute;” “Phil Hill: Around the Racing Circuit with a Great American Driver;” “Carroll Shelby: The Career of a Great American Racing Driver;” and “Stirling Moss: A Portrait of Britain’s Great Racing Driver, Told in his Own Words.”  These recordings then serve as primary source material not only of the races and the engine sounds – distinct of brand and vintage, a sort of original language speaking to us – but also of the best drivers of the day, speaking in their own words. But we can’t neglect the focus on sounds.

The theme here, then is engine noise: exhaust, valve, camshaft.  The variation on the theme are endless. As long as men design and build engines, there'll be enthusiasts trying to make them perform better. When they blow up, they'll simply build engines that won't blow up. The automobile is unique in the history of civilization. It has provided man with effortless transportation -- freed him, as it were, from the bounds of his physical limitations. And to the men who own and run these cars, it is given, more than to most men, to create as well as to savor the magic bouquet of speed.[xv]

There is one other aspect of the Riverside Records sports car series worth mentioning. Namely the record jackets are often works of art in their own right. Often the work of Bill’s wife, Jane Grauer, the covers are at times stunning representations of cars, engines, wire wheels, race scenes and Bugatti grills ( the grill furnished by Ken Purdy).  
For a short time in 1956 Riverside had competition from another distinguished recording studio, Folkways Records. Folkways released a 12-inch vinyl disk and an accompanying brochure about the Watkins Glen Grand Prix race, with “on one side of the resulting record you go to tech inspection and meet the Grand Prix winner, while on the other side brings you the ear splitting and soul shaking music of the race.”  The Folkways production was the result of Henry Mandler and Robert Strome using state-of-the-art high fidelity equipment, including an Ampex 400 tape recorder, Capps, Electrovoice and Shure microphones, and over 400 feet of power cords and audio cables.[xvi]A second competitor to Riverside proved to be Grand Prix Records of Burbank, California. In 1959 this firm released six 45 RPM disks of the 1957 Le Mans race; Grand Prix of Europe, 1958; Grand Prix of Monaco, 1957; British Empire Trophy Race; British Grand Prix of Silverstone, 1958, RAC British Grand Prix 1955 at Aintree and 1956 at Silverstone; and the 1958 Mercedes at Oulton Park.[xvii]Unlike the Riverside and Folkways recordings, however, the later have proved to be far more elusive to collectors.
Today Riverside has the dominant legacy in this odd episode in history.  Sadly, Riverside’s involvement with motorsports history came to an end in 1962. Grauer died unexpectantly, perhaps the result of a suicide, the consequence of his financial mismanagement of company funds and allegedly fraud involving Swiss bank accounts.[xviii]
During more recent times ex-Pink Floyd drummer Nick Mason and collaborator Mark Hales revisited the theme of sound and race cars with the 1998 publication of Into the Red,a book that included an accompanying CD (Revised and updated as Passion for Speed, 2010)[xix]. A number of the cars whose sounds were reproduced by Mason and Hales were also featured in the Riverside series. 
Given the technical description of the pains taken to capture exhaust engine and track sounds in 1998, a renewed appreciation of Grauer’s pioneering efforts emerges. Musician Mason has the ear, sensitivity and prose to capture the sounds of cars on the track at Silverstone that Riverside Records had captured at Oulton Park, in Yorkshire some 40 years before.  Mason described the sounds emanating from a 1931 Alfa 8C 2300 (p.30) as
At first, the noise from this gleaming mass of metal is a disappointment. Folklore still says eight straight cylinders make a noise like ripping fabric, but not this Alfa. It’s more of a boom than a rip. Push in the ignition key to switch on the electrics and illuminate the starter button. The electric motor whirrs the eight pistons past compression with barely a stutter and the Alfa gently comes alive, moaning and chuffing as a thousand pieces of metal bump and grind before bathing themselves in a fresh coating of lubricant. And then, as you wait to warm the oil, there’s more to be had by listening carefully, just as with any good piece of music. You can hear the boom become the bass, and now there’s a gentle wail from the supercharger, which swells as you rev up, disappears when you lift off. Just beneath that there’s another, more musical warble from the exhaust. Not the demented pigeon noise of a modern five-cylinder Audi, but a more orchestrated, subtler kind of rhythm, like a string bass shimmering in the background. If that little chrome-rimmed rev counter with its flickering needle were to fail, it would be the rhythm which would say how fast the engine was turning. Otherwise the hum of eight straight cylinders is so seamlessly subtle that you could hardly tell.[xx]
Music is often made by instruments – technologies not that dissimilar from machines including internal combustion engines. Those musical instruments or machines reflect the work of human beings who very creatively made artifacts of power and awe and those players or drivers that blow their stuff in unique ways.Rarely is one consumer technology worshipped alone. Art, jazz, and sports cars, along with watches and cameras, all came together during the 1950s and 1960s. Riverside Records, still recognized for its achievements in the arts, also left a legacy in automotive history. The sounds from an automobile reflect what is under the hood, and what the owner of that car values.


[i]David N. Lucsko, “American Motorsports: The Checkered Literature on the Checkered Flag.” On the early history of motor racing in America, see the Percy Owens Papers, National Historic Automobile Collection, Detroit Public Library, Scrapbook 1; Beverly Rae Kimes, “The Dawn of Speed,” American Heritage,38, no. 7 (1987), 92-101; John Bentley, Great American Automobiles (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1957), “Automobile Racing,” Scientific American,86 (April 12, 1902), 260; “Racing Automobile,” Scientific American, 81 (October 28, 1899): 277. Richard Wager, Golden Wheels, The Story of the Automobiles Made in Cleveland and Northeastern Ohio 1892-1932, 2ndedition, (Cleveland, 1986). Thomas F. Saal and Bernard J. Golias, Famous but Forgotten: The Story of Alexander Winton, Automobile Pioneer and Industrialist (Twinsburg, Ohio, 1997). Monica Kulling, Eat My Dust! Henry Ford’s First Race(New York: Random House, 2004); Robert Casey, “The Vanderbilt Cup, 1908,” Technology and Culture, 40 (1999): 358-62. Dick Punnett, Racing on the Rim: A History of the Annual Automobile Racing Tournaments Held on the Sands of the Ormond-Daytona Beach Florida, 1903-1919(Ormond Beach, FL, 1997); Steve Marston, “Spectacles of Speed: Modernity, Masculinity, and Auto Racing in Kansas, 1909-1918,” Kansas History, 38 (Autumn, 2015): 192-207.Recent work includes Mark D. Howell and John D. Miller, eds., Motorsports and American Culture: From Demolition Derbies to NASCAR(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield), 2014.
[ii]From Hall, “Carnival of Speed,” 246.

[iii]G. K Chesterton, “The Hollow Horn,” G. K.’s Weekly, 24 (October 1, 1936): 57.

[iv]Curt Meine (ed.),  Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac & Other Writings on Ecology and Conservation(New York, 2013). p. 16.

[v]Carl L. Becker, “Everyman his own Historian,”Annual address of the president of the American Historical Association, delivered at Minneapolis, December 29, 1931. American Historical Rev iew, 37(1932), 221–36.

[vi]Robert M. Pirsig, Zen and the Art of motorcycle Maintenance(New York, 1974); and Matthew B. Crawford, Shop Class as Soulcraft: An Inquiry into the Value of Work(New York, 2009).
[vii]Keenan J. Shimko, “Driving Foreign Relations: The European Sports Car and the Globalization of America,” dissertation, Purdue University, 2018.


[viii]Gregor Grant, British Sports Cars (London, G.T. Foulis, 1947); Ralph Stein, Sports Cars of the World(New York: Scribner, 1952); John R. Bond, Sports Cars in Action (New York: Henry Holt, 1954); Don Stanford, The Red Car(Cutchogue, NY: Buccaneer Books, 1954); John Wheeelock Freeman, Sports Cars(New York: Random House, 1955); Alan Beck, “What Makes a Sports Car?” Reprinted in Road & Track, 30 (March 1979), 126; Erich Maria Remarque, Heaven Has No Favorites(New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1961); William E. Butterworth, Fast Green Car (New York: Tempo, 1965); See also Jeremy R. Kinney, “Racing on Runways: The Strategic Air Command and Sports Car Racing in the 1950s,” Icon,19 (2013), 193-215. Kinney explores the role of General Curtis Lemay in sponsoring sports car racing on USAF runways during the 1950s, an important transition from road racing to track competition. 

[ix]There are too many films to list! Among those I am exploring are “To Please a Lady,” (1950); “The Bad and the Beautiful,” (1952); “Monkey Business” (1952); “Angel Face,” (1953); “The Caddy,” (1953); “It Should Happen to You,” (1954); “Johnny Dark (1954); “The Racers,” (1955); “Kiss Me Deadly” (1955); “Drive a Crooked Road,” (1955); “The Fast and Furious,” (1955) Hot Rod Galahads,” (1955); “Hot Rod Girl,” (1956); “She Devil,” (1957); “Some Came Running,” (1958); “On the Beach,” (1959); ”The Road Racers,” (1959); “Viva Las Vegas,” (1964).
[x]On sound and automobiles, see Karin Bijsterveld, Eefje Cleophas, Stefan Krebs and Gijs Mom, Sound and Safe: A History of Listening Behind the Wheel.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. Stefan Krebs, “’Sobbing, Whining, Rumbling’: Listening to Automobiles as Social Practice,” The Oxford Handbook of Sound Studies, 80-101. See also Michael Bull, “Automobility and the Power of Sound,” Theory, Culture & Society, 21(4/5), 243-259; Mimi Sheller, “Automotive Emotions: Feeling the Car,” Ibid., 221-242.[x]Sound and Safe, p.6; R. Murray Schafer, Our Sonic Environment and the Soundscape. The Tuning of the World(Rochester, Vermont: Destiny Books, 1977, 1994).
[xi]On Grauer and Riverside Records, see “Sound Business,” Newsweek, 58 (September 4, 1961), 63; “Bill Grauer Jr. Obituary,” New York Times, December 17, 1963, 39; John S. Wilson, “Greats of Classic Jazz Ignite a Reissue,” New York Times, January 18, 1987, H25; Orrin Keepnews and Bill Grauer, A Pictorial History of Jazz: People and Places from New Orleans to Modern Jazz(New York: Crown Publishers, 1956).
[xii]On the history of Sebring, see Alec Ulmann, The Sebring Story (Philadelphia:Chilton,1969); On the use of WWII air field runways during the 1950s, see Jeremy R. Kinney, “Racing on Runways: The Strategic Air Command and Sports Car Racing in the 1950s,” ICON,19 (2013), 193-215.
[xiii]Daley, Cars at Speed, p.264. 
[xiv]Sports Cars Illustrated(Here after SCI), October, 1956, 64. Other ads include SCI,January 1957, 47; SCI, May 1957, 55; SCI, June 1957, 11; SCIAugust, 1957, 3; SCI, September, 1958, 3; SCI, March 1959, 3. For a review of the Riverside LP “The Fastest 500,” Riverside RLP 5513, see Road & Track, 13(March 1963), 12.

[xv]From the dust jacket of Riverside Records RLP 5002 [1957?].
[xvi]Folkways FX 6140, “Sounds of the International Sports Car Grand Prix of Watkins Glen, NY,” p.5 of accompanying brochure.
[xvii]“You Are There! With Grand Prix Sound Story Records,” SCI, June 1959, 71.
[xviii]Conversation with former Riverside producer and then sales manager Robert Richer, September 12, 2019. 
[xix]Nick Mason and Mark Hales, Into the Red: Twenty-One Classic Cars that Shaped a Century of Motor Sport (London: Virgin Books, 1998), p.30.

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

When things fall apart: Handbrake failure in 1950s Hinton, West Virginia




A personal reminiscence from Ed
--We often forget about the essential function of the "emergency brake" on automobiles, especially "back in the day."  Growing up in a small town (Hinton, West Virginia) where nearly every street was very steep and most folks parked their cars on the street, there was hardly a week that went by when some man or woman failed to firmly "fix" the emergency brake and their car would roll down the hill, typically into the side of a house.  I ran across this photo in the West Virginia regional history archives as an example of one of these incidents.  Actually in this case, one I remember well, even though I was around seven or eight years old at the time.

I was visiting my grandparent who had a home on James Street (the street in this photo) when Grandmother Garten ran out on the front porch and yelled that a car had just rolled down the street and "and knocked the porch off of Mr. Young's house." 

Back then when few had automatic transmissions with a "Park" function, many folks would just put their gear lever in "neutral" and "sort of set the brake" but things sometimes happened and the car might roll sometimes hours after the owner had departed the vehicle.  Even if the vehicle tranny were set in low gear a car might start to roll if the emergency brake wasn't firmly set.  Today, of course many new cars have dispensed with the old fashioned (and often troublesome) under the dash hand brake (actually foot brake) and fewer cars are being produced with the increasingly old fashioned between the seat hand lever brake, deferring to the so-called electro-mechanical brake.

Always "set" your brake folks!